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HOW TO STOP THE ISLAMIST CONTAGION
This is battle, not an academic seminar.
We in the West have to discredit, delegitimize and dismantle barbaric ideas.
By Fareed Zakaria, , Newsweek Aug. 1, 2005 issue
If you want to understand what motivates suicide bombers,
watch the recent movie "Downfall." Based on eyewitness accounts, it chronicles the final days inside Hitler's bunker. In a
particularly harrowing scene, Joseph Goebbels and his wife are given the opportunity to have their six young children flee
to safety. But Magda Goebbels refuses and instead drugs the kids to sleep. Then she inserts a cyanide capsule into each child's
mouth and presses the jaws until the capsule breaks. When explaining why she won't allow her kids to escape, Mrs. Goebbels
explains, "I can't bear to think of them growing up in a world without national socialism."
This is the power of ideology.
Magda Goebbels had embraced a horrific world view that made her believe that murdering her children
was a noble act.
Suicide bombing cannot be explained
by poverty and disadvantage. The London bombers were not the wretched of the earth. They came from working-class but comfortable backgrounds,
living in one of the world's most prosperous countries. For all the talk of their being marginalized, none were living in
hellish ghettos. Britain today does a decent job of assimilating its immigrants, certainly better than any other European
country. If anyone had cause for rage, it was not the bombers but their parents. Muslim migrants from Pakistan (in three
cases), they arrived in Britain in less multicultural times. They were dirt-poor and probably ostracized and persecuted. And
yet they did not become murderers; they started fish-and-chips shops.
Like all ideologies, radical Islam is a phenomenon of the
educated class. From Muhammad Atta to Mohammed Sidique Khan, almost all suicide bombers have been men who read and write.
In V. S. Naipaul's book "A Million Mutinies Now," the author interviews a young Hindu fanatic. The man explains his fascistic
views, and then Naipaul asks the man's father, who happens to be sitting there, what he thinks. The old man explains that
he works at a factory from morning till night and doesn't really have time for these kinds of ideas.
Extremist ideology is a leisure-time pursuit.
Nor can foreign policy really explain such rage. The invasion of Iraq clearly has greatly
enraged many Muslims, radicalizing some deeply. But can a disagreement over foreign policy really make a Briton like Germaine
Lindsay, who had never even visited Iraq, kiss his pregnant wife and child goodbye and go out and blow himself and others up?
There is something deeper at work here. Last week Egypt, which sent
no troops to Iraq and condemned the invasion, was targeted. Turkey and Indonesia—which
are both opponents of the war—have also been attacked. (Besides, the demands keep changing. Osama bin Laden's primary
one was that American troops leave Saudi Arabia, which they have done. Bin Laden seems not to have noticed.)
What this is about, as Tony Blair has argued, is fanaticism.
Radical ideologies of hate and violence have often seduced disaffected young men searching for some great cause. Forty
years ago they would have embraced Leninist revolutionary dogma, with Che Guevara as the bin Laden of his day. Today, for
Muslims, it is a violent interpretation of Islamic fundamentalism. Born in the Middle East, it has spread like a virus across the Muslim world and into the Islamic diaspora in the West.
The good news is that in the heart of the Muslim world, this
ideology is not doing so well. The bombings, increasingly of civilians, are showing Al Qaeda and its ilk in their true light.
Arabs are finally denouncing terrorism and also the ideologies that feed it. They need to do much more, and far more forcefully.
It's a cliché, but true, that ultimately only Muslims can win this fight.
But Western countries can do more as well. We're fighting
a military battle against a phenomenon that is largely nonmilitary. In a battle of ideas, no one bullet will
win. We must present a positive vision for Muslim societies, be seen as a friendly
and progressive force by them and thus strengthen the moderates and liberals.
But this is battle, not an academic seminar.
We also have to discredit, delegitimize and dismantle barbaric ideas.
After the London bombings, Arab commentators
pointed out that for years Britain has granted asylum to noxious preachers and scholars who praise suicide bombings, argue for
the overthrow of Western regimes and celebrate Al Qaeda's victories.
The director-general of Al Arabiya TV, Abdul Rahman Al-Rashed, asked two
weeks ago in the London-based daily Asharq Al-Awsat, "Why would Britain grant asylum to Arabs who have
been convicted of political crimes or religious extremism, or even sentenced to death? Not only were they admitted to this
country, but they were also provided with accommodation, a monthly salary, and free legal advice... for those who want to
prosecute the British government."
Recall that bin Laden's original declaration of war against
the West was published in only one venue, a London-based newspaper. Next time, let him publish it in Saudi Arabia if he
can.
Al-Rashed continued:
"Extremism, like many other diseases, is an infectious one
... A small dose of carriers can spread the infection like
wildfire, establishing a community full of destructive thoughts and practices."
It isn't the only answer, but let's start by making life as
difficult as possible for the carriers of this virus.
*Bigot (Norman-English): a term of derision for people who
cling blindly and tenaciously to creeds and beliefs that they believe (and constantly declare) come bi gott! (i.e., by God!).
- An intolerant, narrow-minded,
prejudiced person.
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